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Remembrance tourism in Auvergne-Rhône Alpes

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Young reporters of remembrance

Metz students look through the Book of Names at Auschwitz, February 2018 © Lucie Missler
Metz students look through the Book of Names at Auschwitz, February 2018 © Lucie Missler

Contents

    Summary

    DATE: July 1942

    PLACE: France

    OUTCOME: Fifteen-year-old Henri Borlant is arrested and deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau

    Henri Borlant was the only Jewish child under 16 who was arrested in 1942 to escape from Auschwitz. Deported in July, he survived three years in the death camp. On his return, he became a doctor. When Les Chemins de la Mémoire invited him to meet with students of the Metz Lycée de la Communication, he replied: “It is my duty.”

    I will tell you my story. I was born in Paris on 5 June 1927. I was the fourth of nine children. My parents were Russian Jews who came to France before the First World War, in 1912, inspired by the idea of democracy. At the end of the 1939 school year, there were rumours of war. In Paris’s 13th arrondissement, the authorities feared there would be bombing. As in other neighbourhoods with lots of children, evacuations were organised. So my mother, my brothers and sisters and I were put on a train which took us to a little village south of Angers. That night, my mother gave birth to the youngest of my sisters. The next day, 1 September, posters announced general mobilisation. I was enrolled at the local school and received a Catholic education from the priest and schoolmaster there. Before long, I was baptised, took my first communion, was confirmed and became a firm believer. I left school at 14 and got a job at the local garage. We were happy because we were together, and we were discovering all the pleasures of the countryside, which contrasted with the many restrictions of life in Paris.

    The idyll was broken on 15 July 1942, when German soldiers came for us. They had our names and our address. My father was not on the list. I was 15 and I was on the list, as were my brother Bernard and my sister Denise. I thought that Germany needed a workforce and that I was going to work. But my mother was on the list as well. I was not prepared for that. She was in no state to work. I didn’t get it. We climbed into the lorry and drove off. Other families were picked up along the way. When we got to the Angers seminary, I was separated from my mother and my sister. The next day, my father joined me, and my mother was sent back to the village. We stayed at the seminary for five days.

    Then, one morning, we were loaded into cattle trucks, with no windows or seats and no room to lie down. I would never again see my sister, who was separated from us. The train sat there for hours before it left. People began writing notes, which they pushed through the little opening in the roof. I did the same: “Mum, it seems we are leaving for Ukraine to do the harvest there.” I learnt later that the message had been delivered to my mother by a railway worker.

    The journey took three days and three nights, with nothing to eat or drink. Finally, the train came to a halt in the middle of a field. You could hear men shouting, dogs barking. We got out and were told to leave our bags behind and to hurry. We were put in rows of five and made to walk the mile or so to the Birkenau camp, where we soon learned that the barbed-wire fence surrounding it was electrified. We were led to a large hut, where we were ordered to get completely undressed. In front of everyone? Yes. I was very shy. They began hitting us with batons. Others came to shave our heads and faces. I saw my father, naked and with a shaved head. Next, we were tattooed with a number. That number was our name, our identity. I became 51 055. The French people in the camp, mostly resistance fighters or communists, had a red triangle next to their number. A letter indicated your nationality. The cruellest had green triangles to show they were ex-criminals. They were often leaders of Kommandos, or labour units.

    We were given clothes that had been worn by people who were sick or had probably died wearing them. Our shoes were like wooden clogs. They were very hard to run in. Soon, we all had lacerated feet. We were beaten and shouted at, and given nothing to eat or drink. Trains arrived every day with more deportees. We were told: “This is an extermination camp. You will only get out of here by the crematorium chimney.” We were terrified. There was nothing we could do.

    écolier

    Henri Borlant as a boy

    © © Collection Henri Borlant

     

    WHAT WAS THE ONE THING THAT MOST MARKED YOU DURING YOUR DEPORTATION?

    I think it was hunger. When you’re starving, you’re no longer entirely human. You’re driven crazy, you lose weight, you overexert yourself. I know the sort of hunger experienced by those skeletal figures you see in archive photographs, reduced to skin and bone, who died as a result. Hunger: you may use the same word when you skip lunch, but it doesn’t mean the same thing. We experienced something that cannot be put into words. When you’re hungry like I was, you have no more dreams, nothing. Hunger makes you obsessed.

     

    WERE YOU ABLE TO STAY WITH YOUR FAMILY?

    After the first week in the same hut as my father, we were separated. I sometimes saw him in the evening. After a month, he told me: “I’m 54 years old. I won’t hold out very long. You must keep going, because your mother will need you.” After six weeks, I did not see him anymore. Two months later, I was sent to Auschwitz I and separated from my brother; I did not see him again. I stayed for a year in Block 7, which was run by a furious madman with a green triangle. After a year, I was sent back to Birkenau. It had become a vast camp. I looked for my brother, but did not find him.

    lettre

    Letter written by a railway worker to accompany Henri Borlant’s note to his mother, which he had pushed through the opening in the roof of the train before departing for Auschwitz

    © © Collection Henri Borlant

     

     

    WAS IT POSSIBLE TO MAKE FRIENDS IN A CAMP?

    Not only was it possible, it was essential for survival. No one survived without mutual help. There comes a time when you can’t go on alone. There comes a time - when you have a high fever and need supporting on either side to stop you from collapsing during roll call - when otherwise you just wouldn’t survive. There was moral support too: people talked to me, gave me courage and told me they were there for me. Another day, it was my turn to be there for them. We tried to group together with those who spoke the same language. And when you’re in a group, you see danger on all sides and can warn the others; that’s part of the survival code.

    All those I met in the camp I saw regularly afterwards. They were the only people with whom I could discuss life in the camps. Dr Désiré Hafner I knew right up until his death; it was he who would later advise me to become a doctor myself. I had interviewed him for a DVD for the Deportation Remembrance Foundation. I asked 15 friends if I could interview them; wonderful people who had all been there. People who knew about it, because they had been through the same ordeal. No one can understand us better than those who have had the same experience.

    camp

    General Eisenhower and his men discover prisoners executed by the Nazis at the Ohrdruf camp, 5 April 1945

    © © Keystone-France

     

    HOW DO YOU THINK YOU MANAGED TO SURVIVE THREE YEARS OF DEPORTATION?

    I can’t explain it. I was 15 and fragile. I would not have bet on myself coming through it. And yet I survived typhoid and tuberculosis. There really is such a thing as the will to live. Some would say, “There’s no point suffering just to die”, then they would clutch the electrified barbed wire. There were some suicides. But most of us said we had better try to survive, even in those conditions, one more day, then another, and another. When I tell you that, I am tempted to add a phrase which is not my own, but from La Fontaine’s fable Death and the Woodcutter: “Rather suffer than die Is the motto of mankind.” You suffer, you’re miserable, but you cling to life.

     

    WHAT WERE THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF YOUR LIBERATION?

    In October 1944, as the Russians approached, a number of us were evacuated to camps near Berlin. Every day, Allied planes flew overhead. I was finally sent to Ohrdruf, a small subcamp of Buchenwald. I became a newcomer, which means I was given the worst duties. One day, I was sent to the butcher’s in town to get food for the SS. While they were loading and unloading the lorry, a POW came up to me and said (he was French): “Stand firm, it won’t be long now. The Americans aren’t far away, and if you manage to escape, my fellow prisoners and I will hide you. The butcher is anti-Nazi. You can trust him.” On the night of 3 to 4 April 1945, knowing the Americans were on their way and wanting to avoid a forced evacuation, a death march, I escaped with a fellow prisoner. We went to see the butcher, who gave us prisoners’ clothes. The next day, the Americans arrived. I was free. In their jeep, we took them to the Ohrdruf camp. We had an urgent need to tell and show them what had been going on. By 13 April, I was at the repatriation centre. On the 16th, I arrived at Montigny-Lès-Metz. There, they carried out strict checks on your papers. I had none. And I didn’t fit into any category: prisoners, undesirables, workers. They didn’t know about deportees. One of my fellow prisoners, who was told that his wife was waiting for him at the Gare de l’Est station, took me with him. When we arrived in southern Paris, we had our first meal in France. The telephone rang and I was told, “We have found your mother. She is expecting you at her flat in Paris, with your brothers and sisters.” I didn’t think I would ever see her again. I had always thought she must have been on one of the many convoys that arrived in Auschwitz. I went to meet her. She never asked me a single question, and I never told her anything.

    retour

    Henri Borlant on his return from the camps, 1945

    © © Collection Henri Borlant

     

    WHAT WAS THE HARDEST PART ABOUT RETURNING?

    There was nothing hard about returning! I was in Paris, I was 17, my mind was set on the future. I thought nothing would be difficult after what I had been through. Above all, I was reunited with my mother. I could hug her and tell her how much I loved her. Not everyone was as lucky as me. Two years after returning, I enrolled at medical school, despite not having any qualifications before I was deported. In two years, I had passed my brevet and my baccalauréat. I didn’t give up, ever. I became a doctor, a profession I loved. My consultation room was on boulevard Richard Lenoir, in Paris. One day, I treated a German lady who was referred to me by a friend. She had left her parents after finding out about the Holocaust. She came back some time later and I hired her. We fell in love, got married and had three wonderful daughters. She is at home as we speak.

    There have been other happy and gratifying moments too, such as the time at the Élysée Palace when the French president awarded me a decoration and made a small speech. There is also what I am doing with you now, which is to say, fighting Nazism, which is important. Above all, I was conscious that happiness is not something that should be taken for granted; not everyone is fortunate enough to have food to eat when they’re hungry or to be with the one they love. When you have lived through what I have, it would be silly to waste your life.

     

    IN A WAY, TO TALK ABOUT THINGS IS TO RELIVE THEM. DO YOU FIND IT DIFFICULT TO TALK ABOUT WHAT HAPPENED AGAIN AND AGAIN?

    No, no. I had decided never to return to Auschwitz. I was often asked to accompany school and university groups there. In 1995, I was contacted by a history teacher whose students were working on a project and exhibition on the theme “The liberation of the camps and the return of the deportees.” I provided them with some tape recordings of first-hand accounts to help with their research. They asked me to get in touch with Serge Klarsfeld to invite him to the opening of the exhibition. I didn’t know him personally. But I phoned him anyway and told him I had read the book he had written on the deportation of children and that in it I had seen a photo of my brother. He asked me what my name was and I told him. He consulted his lists and said, “I didn’t have you down as one of the survivors - were you not taken first to the Hotel Lutetia?” “No, I returned earlier.” He added me to the list of survivors, and agreed to come. It was then that he asked me to accompany him on a visit to Auschwitz with a group of 15-year-old students from the Rhône-Alpes region - the same age as I was when I was deported. I said yes because I didn’t dare say no, and when I put the phone down, my wife said: “Are you mad? You know you tremble with fear at the idea of going there!” When the young people arrived with their teacher at Lyon airport, he said to them: “This is Henri Borlant. He was your age, 15, when he was arrested in July 1942. Six thousand children under the age of 16 were arrested in 1942, and he is the only one who survived.” It hit me like an electric shock. From then on, I told myself I could not refuse to serve as a witness, knowing that I was the only survivor of all those children who were murdered.

    henri borlant

    Henri Borlant speaks to high-school students from Metz, 29 March 2018

    © © Vaea Héritier

     

    YOU HAVE PUBLISHED MERCI D’AVOIR SURVÉCU (THANK YOU FOR SURVIVING). WHEN DID THE IDEA COME TO YOU TO PUT YOUR EXPERIENCE DOWN ON PAPER?

    There came a time when I said to myself: “If you don’t do it now, you never will.” I didn’t have a written record. I’m no writer, so I told my story to people who agreed to listen and write it down. I made two attempts but was not happy with either. So I said to myself: “You’ll just have to do it yourself.” And I set about writing. When the book came out, it had a far greater impact than my filmed interviews had had. One journalist asked me, “Why didn’t you do it before?” and I replied, “Because I'm not a writer.” I would rather answer your questions, because I can see you and I can tell how interested you are; it’s quite different and I do it with pleasure. I remember one day, a long time ago, someone asked me: “Have you ever felt ashamed to be Jewish?” I answered: “Ashamed to be Jewish? No, I’ve never felt ashamed. At one time, I felt afraid.” It kept running through my head for several days. Then, some satisfactory answers came to me. I wasn’t ashamed to be Jewish; I was ashamed of feeling afraid, and I overcame that fear. Even so, I kept the fear for some time, then one day it disappeared.

     

    DO YOU FEEL ANYTHING TODAY TO STILL SEE THE TATTOO ON YOUR ARM?

    Yes, I do. It isn’t just a tattoo, a number. It is precisely the number 51 055. That number means it is 23 July 1942, when I was 15 years, one month and ten days old; it means that I was taken to the concentration camp, that I survived for nearly three years, and that I resisted the Nazis’ plan to turn us into smoke and ashes. So it is something I am proud of. The Nazis burnt us to make us disappear, so that no one would know, and I am here now, showing you this tattoo. Some compete in the Olympic Games and take home a gold medal. This tattoo is my gold medal. It means there are very few of us who made this journey, and that I survived it, diseases, beatings, hunger and all. I am here, alive and kicking, and I go on denouncing all those things today. I have never wanted to have this tattoo removed. To begin with, I hid it because I was afraid of being attacked by antisemites. But today I show it; I see no reason to hide it. With this tattoo, I fight racism and antisemitism, and I also defend democracy.

    There is one thing it is my duty to insist upon. I am one of those who lived through that time, which lasted four long years, during which France was governed by Marshal Pétain, Pierre Laval, etc. They collaborated with the Nazis, they arrested innocent people. During those four years, they killed my father, my brother, my sister, my grandparents. They killed large numbers of children and babies. It went on for years, then the Nazis lost and I was able to return home, to find my country once again with a democratic government. There are many countries in the world, and many millions of people, who are deprived of democracy and envy us. Democracy was handed down to us, we inherited it. People shed their blood to rid us of absolute power. We are very fortunate to have the right to vote, to have freedom of movement, to be able to say what we think, be for or against. When, like me, you have lost that right and you regain it, you know its worth. Democracy can be lost if people aren’t interested, or don’t make the effort to find out. At election time, there is a large percentage of people who don’t go out and vote. You are young, well-educated people. You ought to do your research, think hard, make your choice, and learn to be responsible citizens.

    deportees

    Portraits of deportees in the building known as the “Sauna”, at Auschwitz-Birkenau

    © © DR

     

    AFTER THE WAR, HOW DO YOU FEEL ABOUT THE GERMANS?

    Thank you for asking me that, because it’s an important question. It is not the Germans but the Nazis I hate, be they French or German. In the camp where I was, there were anti-Nazi Germans. I cannot forget how they risked their lives fighting the Nazis. If I told you the story of how I met a pretty young woman, it is because she was German, and I married her. Her father was a soldier during the war, and when her daughter asked him for explanations, he said: “It is the past and not to be spoken of.” That was when she decided to come to France. I am not against people who have done wrong being tried and convicted for their crimes. Societies need justice, not pardoning. Only the victims can pardon, no one else.

    Author

    Pierre-Mickaël Carniel, Jeanne Zeihen et Léa Caïd

    Remembrance tourism in Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes

    Le lieu de mémoire au Chambon-sur-Lignon. © Office de tourisme du Haut-Lignon
    Le lieu de mémoire au Chambon-sur-Lignon. © Office de tourisme du Haut-Lignon

    Contents

      Summary

      DATE: 2 December 2011

      PLACE: Lyon

      OUTCOME: Official founding of Réseau Mémorha

      OBJECT: Réseau Mémorha is a regional network of Second World War history museums, sites, institutions, cultural organisations and researchers into remembrance issues.

      The Second World War left deep scars on the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes landscape. Today, the region tells its story through its museums, memorials and history centres, all of which are coordinated at regional level by Réseau Mémorha to ensure the consistency of their cultural and remembrance offering.

      A recently created administrative unit, the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region is still searching for some kind of geohistorical unity. Its varied terrain stretches from the Massif Central to the highest Alpine summits, the Loire basin to that of the Rhône, in a mosaic of landscapes. While the Auvergne is in the heart of France, Rhône-Alpes occupies its eastern fringes, which underwent continual transformations until Savoy was annexed to France in 1860.

      Due to its location on the borders of Switzerland and Italy, with access to the Mediterranean via the Rhône corridor (a major transport axis since Antiquity), a particularly dynamic industrial fabric (coal mining, iron and steel, chemicals, rubber, textiles, paper and electronics) and the existence of important urban centres, the region was historically a staging-post, attracting migrant settlements and cultural synthesis. The mountains of this vast territory are commonly represented as a place of protection for men and women down the ages: Protestants sought refuge in Vivarais and Dauphiné after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and, during the Second World War, those avoiding compulsory labour service in Germany joined the maquis of Beaujolais, Jura and Margeride. It is to the latter period, particularly well illustrated in Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, that we shall turn our attention, as we roam the region’s paysage-histoire (‘landscape-history’), to borrow Julien Gracq’s expression, exploring places that are today firmly embedded in the collective memory, together with other, less well-known sites.

       

      EXCEPTIONAL SECOND WORLD WAR HERITAGE

      Like Normandy and Provence, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes possesses exceptional Second World War heritage. Numerous remembrance sites and a myriad of discreet locations welcome visitors, bearing witness both to the darker aspects of wartime (collaboration, internment, repression, persecution, physical destruction and massacres of civilians) and to brighter aspects, such as the different forms of resistance (armed, civilian, intellectual, spiritual, urban and rural) and solidarity. As early as the 1920s and 1930s, exiled Armenians, Spaniards, Germans and Italians came here, fleeing persecution, dictatorship or civil war. After the French State was installed, they were joined by minorities subject to arbitrary racial laws. Thus, large numbers of foreign Jews found refuge in Dieulefit (Drôme), Megève (Savoie), Villard-de-Lans (Isère), Vic-sur-Cère (Cantal) and Chambon-sur-Lignon (Haute-Loire), holiday resorts with a flourishing hotel trade and social and medical facilities. When the Vichy Government brought in its anti-Semitic policy, the warm welcome they received gave way to rescue actions, as humanitarian organisations arranged their passage to Switzerland.

      From very early on, the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region was the scene of large-scale resistance actions, which were further stepped up when German troops arrived; a stream of actions, some heroic, some tragic, such as the rising of the maquis of Mont Mouchet and Vercors against the occupying German army, and the fleeting restoration of the Republic in Annonay (Ardèche) in the summer of 1944. Prominent figures engaged in the Resistance were involved to varying degrees in actions in the region, like Jean Moulin, Lucie and Raymond Aubrac, the journalist Yves Farge, writer Jean Prévost, Colonel Henri Romans-Petit and Abbé Alexandre Glasberg.

      Among the remembrance sites and areas that are representative of the period, we can cite, in no particular order: the spa town of Vichy, chosen as capital of the French State; the Maison d’Izieu (Ain), a memorial to the Jewish children murdered after their arrest on 6 April 1944; the École des Cadres d’Uriage staff training school (Isère), a laboratory for national revolutionary ideology; the Ferme d’Ambel (Vercors-Drôme), considered one of the first French maquis; Fort Barraux (Isère), where foreign Jews and Gypsies were interned; the Montluc National Memorial (Lyon), a military prison of the Vichy regime, requisitioned by the occupier; and the Murat Deportees Memorial (Cantal), in memory of the 120 people deported in retaliation for the events of June 1944.

      The promotion of these sites and the historical figures associated with them raises the question of the choices inherent to remembrance policy, past and present, as a result of which certain remembrance sites of particular interest may be given prominence to the detriment of others, overshadowing the lesser-known sites. Meanwhile, voluntary organisations, researchers and artists campaign for public recognition of ignored or neglected subjects, through books, exhibitions, films and monuments.

      In Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, a network was founded in 2011, with support from both central and regional government. Comprised of voluntary organisations, researchers and remembrance sites, Réseau Mémorha studies the redeployment of Second World War remembrance across the region, promoting partnerships for the implementation of cultural and scientific development projects.

       

      FROM REMEMBRANCE PILGRIMAGE TO HERITAGE DESIGNATION

      At the end of the war, certain sites were recognised as particularly emblematic by the French authorities, and remembrance ceremonies were held there in the presence of State dignitaries. They immediately became pilgrimage sites. This was the case of the maquis cemetery of Les Glières (Morette, Haute-Savoie), where families flocked to the graves of their loved ones. Vercors similarly attracted large numbers of “remembrance pilgrims”, in particular Vassieux (Drôme), the site of savage repression and systematic destruction. This martyred village made a powerful impression on visitors, its rebuilt houses, tricolour flags, monumental sculptures, shells of German gliders and numerous stelae forming a tableau of remembrance.

      In the 1960s and 70s, these “remembrance territories” saw the opening of the first voluntary museums, in Grenoble (Isère) in 1966, Romans (Drôme) in 1974 and Bonneville (Haute-Savoie) in 1979, then over the following decade in Frugières-le-Pin (Haute-Loire) in 1982 and Nantua (Ain) in 1985. In these “hotspots” of Resistance remembrance, to borrow the expression coined by Serge Barcellini, chairman of Le Souvenir Français, Resistance veterans played a central role, sharing memories, collections and relics, and telling their own battle stories.

      Loire Memorial to the Resistance and Deportation.

      musée

      © Mémorial de la Résistance et de la Déportation de la Loire

      In the 1990s, as surviving veterans became fewer, some local councils got to grips with the issues of managing local remembrance. A proactive remembrance policy was put in place, embodied by educational outreach officers. It was a civic and political initiative, by institutions keen to be the heirs of Resistance values and curb revisionist movements. It was also a question of identity for some local areas, reliant on the events of the Second World War to distinguish themselves, as in the case of Lyon and Grenoble, which both claimed the title of “Resistance capital”.

      Political interests became aligned with the efforts of the voluntary sector, and support, mostly in the form of funding, was given for the creation of new sites, such as the Le Teil Museum (Ardèche), which opened in 1992, and the Saint-Étienne Memorial (Loire), in 1999.

      This shift from the field of memory to the development or “professionalisation” of heritage at local level, was part of a nationwide trend which saw the establishment of clear civic and educational aspirations towards the end of the 1990s.

      In the early 2000s, government support for remembrance sites took on a new face, and some sites run by the voluntary sector were transferred to State hands. Through the bequest of their collections to local authorities, voluntary-sector museums like the one in Mont Mouchet (Allier) and, more recently, the Museum of the Resistance, Internment and Deportation , in Chamalières (Puy-de-Dôme), were incorporated into the heritage departments of municipalities, city councils and even the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes regional authority. This dynamic reinforced the process of heritage designation of remembrance sites across the region.

       

      NEW FORMS OF REMEMBRANCE TOURISM AND TRAVEL

      Today, new forms of remembrance tourism are offered to the public, sometimes on their own initiative. These take the form of themed urban trails or “remembrance walks”, which connect museums and commemorative monuments to less developed sites: the camp of a unit of the Chantiers de la Jeunesse, a mountain barn that housed a camp for Compulsory Labour Service objectors, examples of postwar reconstruction, etc. These diverse experiences show a desire for direct contact with what is regarded as the truly authentic, a desire which prompts some to embark on the trail of remembrance.

      In addition to the scientific information given by guides and other mobile apps, these new forms of tourism offer an element of surprise, as experienced by the writer Antoine Choplin (À contre-courant, Éditions Paulsen, 2018), who, climbing towards the source of the Isère in the hills above Bourg-Saint-Maurice, was distracted by a curious building: “I rounded a bend and came upon a little stone fort dating from the Second World War. An old wooden sign hanging from the wall read: Châtelet Fort - 6th BCM. Alpine Maginot Line 1940. Two simple depictions of machine guns on stands framed the year. I am struck once more by how, even in the remotest of places, we are pursued by history. Wherever you are, its shine and stale odours linger on. It reappears in an inventive plurality of forms, with its meaning often made clear by first-hand accounts or memorials, or sometimes left more enigmatic.”

      These spontaneous or guided physical trails, in combination with virtual ones (accessible remotely via digital devices), are consistent with the new tourism practices of French and foreign visitors. They are also in keeping with the new forms of “remembrance tourism” being developed by the French Armed Forces and Economic Affairs ministries. In 2016, as part of their joint call for projects to encourage the development of innovative, digital resources for use in remembrance tourism in France, and with support from the Regional Directorate for Cultural Affairs (DRAC) and the regional authority, Réseau Mémorha came up with the Mémospace digital portal. At the heart of this first ever digital resource to catalogue the Second World War remembrance sites of an entire region is an interactive map, which makes it easy for users to plan both leisure and educational visits, as well as put together themed trails. Drawing on the advice of researchers, teachers, professional guides, remembrance organisations and museums, it is intended as a platform for the development, sharing and promotion of knowledge.

       

      The Museum of Mont Mouchet

      The Museum of Mont Mouchet. © Philippe Mesnard

       

      Located in the commune of Auvers, on the border of Cantal and Lozère, this major site for the Resistance in Auvergne is open to visitors from 1 May to 30 September. Renovated in 2009, it charts the history of the Resistance in Auvergne, and in particular in Margeride. It situates events in the national and international context of the time, and offers a comic-strip trail for younger visitors.

       

      The Senegalese Tata

      The Senegalese Tata National Cemetery © A. Karaghezian/ECPAD/Défense

       

      In the commune of Chasselay, on the very site where 51 Senegalese riflemen were massacred by the German army in the fighting of 19 and 20 June 1940, this cemetery, inaugurated in November 1942, contains the graves of 198 Senegalese riflemen who died for France. Every year, on 11 November, a ceremony is held on this unique site, built in the Sudanese style, bringing together the inhabitants of the village and the African diaspora of Lyon.

       

      Isère Museum of the Resistance and Deportation

      Isère Museum of the Resistance and Deportation. © Office de Tourisme Grenoble-Alpes métropole

       

      Built in the 1960s, on the initiative of teachers, Resistance members and deportees, this pioneering museum charts the history of the Second World War based on local events and the stories of Resistance fighters. Rooted in its era, it sheds light on the values of the Resistance and on human rights, through its events programme and educational outreach work. The museum is open every day (free admission).

      Author

      Réseau Mémorha

      A new national cemetery in Vercors

      The Pas de l’Aiguille cemetery.

      Denis Peschanski 2018

      Denis Peschanski

      Le Fort de Queuleu

      Individual cells in the Nazi special camp of Fort de Queuleu

      In the footsteps of la deportation

      Place des héros du ghetto, Cracovie, février 2018

      Nantua Museum

      Poster of the exhibition Les Jours Sans (Days Without), held at the Nantua Museum.

      Raoul Villain

      1885-1936
      Anthropometric record card. © Préfecture de Police

       

      Raoul Villain was born in Reims on 19 September 1885 and died in Ibiza on 17 September 1936. He assassinated Jean Jaurès on 31 July 1914, on the eve of the start of World War I. He was acquitted at his trial in 1919.

       

      Nationalist student

      Raoul Villain was the son of Louis Marie Gustave Villain, head clerk of the civil court in Reims, and Marie-Adèle Collery, who suffered from mental illness and was interned at the asylum in Châlons-sur-Marne in 1887. His paternal grandmother, Émélie Alba, had also shown signs of brain disorders. During his grandmother’s funeral, before her tomb, he declared, "There are people who are playing Germany’s game and they deserve death!" shortly before he assassinated Jean Jaurès. He had an elder brother, Marcel Villain, court clerk, aviation lieutenant and Officer of the Legion of Honour, notably for his battle exploits during World War I.

      Raoul Villain studied at the Jesuit middle school in the faubourg of Cérès, then at the high school in his home town, but he did not complete his studies. In October 1905, he enrolled at the École Nationale d'Agriculture in Rennes, where he came down with typhoid fever in November 1905, and nearly died. His police file states that, "before his military service he was considered a very serious young man, very gentle, well raised," he "kept no bad company, did not go to the cafés, nor to shows".

      In November 1906, he was incorporated into the 94th Infantry Regiment in Bar-le-Duc, but was discharged in 1907. In June 1909, he received his diploma from the school in Rennes, ranking 18th out of 44. He worked in agriculture for six weeks in the arrondissement of Rethel, then came back to Reims to his father’s house. He went to Alsace in September 1911. From October 1911 to 29 June 1912, he was an invigilator at Collège Stanislas, with authorisation to prepare for the Baccalaureate. His rhetoric teacher, Abbot Charles, said that "he seemed unhappy to be alive. His compositions lacked depth, logic and consistency. One day I expressed my fears concerning the threat of war. Villain listened to me. He answered, "the enemies from the outside are not the most dangerous". He was gentle and polite with everyone, but never connected with anyone and was let go for his lack of authority. In 1912, he spent six weeks in London and about ten days in Loughton, to which he returned in 1913. He stayed with Mrs Annie Francis, who, according to The Observer of 6 June 1915, described him as "a gentle and very kind man". In March and April 1913, he also went to Greece, visiting Athens and Ephesus. In June 1914, he enrolled at the École du Louvre to study archaeology. According to his police file, "for seven years, the father has always spoken of his son Raoul with sadness. He had become exalted, unstable, affected by religious mysticism". He only came to Reims twice a year and "gave no details about his lifestyle in Paris, where he lived alone for four years".

      A member of Le Sillon, Marc Sangnier’s Christian social movement, until it was condemned by Pius X in 1910, he then joined the “Ligue des Jeunes Amis de l'Alsace-Lorraine”, a group of far-right ultra-nationalist students, where he played an effective role, he reproached Jaurès for being against the law requiring three years of military service.

       

      Assassination of Jean Jaurès

      Little by little, Raoul Villain got it into his head to kill Jaurès. He bought a revolver and started stalking the Socialist leader, scribbling down incoherent notes on his habits in his wallet.

      On Friday, 31 July 1914 at 9.40 pm, Jaurès was dining with his colleagues, sitting on a bench with his back to an open window at the Café du Croissant, 146 rue Montmartre, in Paris (2nd arrondissement). Raoul Villain violently drew back the curtain, raised his fist armed with a revolver, and shot twice. A bullet struck the Socialist orator in the head and he immediately collapsed.

      The shooter tried to get away, running toward the rue de Réaumur, but was seen by Tissier, a layout man at L'Humanité, who followed him, hit him over the head with his cane and immobilised him on the ground with the help of a policeman. Taken to the police station, he cried, "Don’t tie me so tight, I don’t want to get away. Just take the revolver in my left-hand pocket. It’s not loaded."

      This assassination, which took place three days before the start of World War I, helped to trigger the hostilities by rallying the left together, including some hesitant Socialists, in a "Sacred Union".

       

       

      The trial

      Awaiting his trial, Raoul Villain spent World War I in prison. In a letter sent to his brother from La Santé Prison on 10 August 1914, he stated, "I shot down the spokesman, the great traitor of the period of the three-year law, the big mouth who covered all the calls for Alsace-Lorraine. I punished him, and that was the symbol of a new era, both for the French and for Foreigners". The inquiry was led by the investigating magistrate, Drioux.

      The trial opened on 24 March 1919 before the criminal court of the Seine in a context of patriotism, after fifty-six months of preventive detention. The accused was defended by attorneys Henri Géraud and Alexandre Bourson, aka "Zévaes", a former Socialist member of parliament. On the last day of the debates, Villain declared, "I ask for forgiveness for the victim and for my father. The pain of a widow and an orphan will leave no room for joy in my life". The popular jury was asked to answer two questions "1) Is Villain guilty of voluntary homicide on the person of Jaurès? 2) Was this homicide committed with premeditation?". After a short period of deliberation, the jury, by a vote of eleven to one, answered no on 29 March 1919. Raoul Villain was acquitted. The President of the Court ordered that he should be released and praised him for being a good patriot. The Court issued a degree granting one franc in damages to the plaintiff, and ordered the plaintiff to pay trial expenses to the State. Mrs Jaurès was therefore condemned to pay court costs.

      In reaction to the verdict, Anatole France sent a short letter from his property, La Béchellerie, to the editors of L'Humanité, printed on 4 April: "Workers, Jaurès lived for you, he died for you. A monstrous verdict has proclaimed that his assassination was not a crime. This verdict makes outlaws of all of you, you and everyone who defends your cause. Workers, beware!" As soon as it was published, the letter gave rise to a demonstration organised by the Union de Syndicats and the Fédération Socialiste de la Seine on Sunday 6 April, following avenue Victor-Hugo all the way to Passy, where Jaurès had lived.

       

      The death of Raoul Villain

      In April of 1919, Raoul Villain had to leave Auxerre suddenly after hostile demonstrations organised by the workers’ unions. He returned to anonymity in Paris, staying at No. 7, rue Jean-Lantier, under the name René Alba. He was arrested on 19 July 1920 for trafficking in silver coins at a café in Montreuil, at the corner of rue Douy-Delcupe and rue de Vincennes and, out of despair, tried to strangle himself to death. Freed on 23 July 1920, he was sentenced by the 11th Criminal Chamber on 18 October 1920 to just a one-hundred-franc fine due to his mental condition. In September 1921, he shot himself twice in the stomach at his father’s office at the Reims Courthouse in protest against his father’s opposition to his marriage plans.

      He expatriated to Danzig, where he worked as a croupier, then to Memel (now Klaipėda), where he lived until 1926. He moved to the island of Ibiza, in the Balearic Islands off Spain, in 1932. He inherited some money and moved into a hotel near Santa Eulària, more precisely at Cala Sant Vicenç, where the locals called him "el boig del port" (the madman of the port). With the help of a few friends, Laureano Barrau, the Spanish impressionist, and Paul-René Gauguin, the painter’s grandson, he undertook to build a bizarre house on the seaside. The residence, which still exists, was never finished.

      Soon after the Spanish Civil War broke out, on 20 July 1936, the military garrison and the civil guards of the island took the side of the Francoists. The Republicans in Barcelona sent a detachment under the direction of Commander Bayo to take back the Balearic Islands. It landed on Ibiza on 8 August. On 9 and 10 September 1936, a column of nearly five hundred anarchists under the "Cultura y Acción" banner, arrived on Ibiza, leaving one hundred and fourteen dead. On 12 and 13 September 1936, the island was bombarded by the Italian aviation and, in the confusion, the anarchists executed Raoul Villain.

      He was buried at the cemetery in Sant Vicent de sa Cala on Ibiza and a funeral mass was celebrated at Saint-Remi Basilica in Reims. His tomb at the Cimetière du Nord in Reims bears his name (and calls up his memory) and is the renovated tomb of his parents. Despite the family’s requests, his remains were never transferred to Reims.

       

      Why Raoul Villain was acquitted

      Jaurès’ assassin, who was 29 years old in 1914, had a fragile personality. The younger son of the head clerk of the civil court in Reims, he suffered from a serious heritage: his mother was in an insane asylum and his paternal grandmother suffered from a mystical delirium. After his incomplete secondary studies and years of uncertainty, he enrolled at the École Nationale d'Agriculture in Rennes in 1906, where he came down with typhoid fever that left him with nervous sequelae. Once cured, he did his military service, completed school, but gave up on being an agricultural engineer. He was attracted by Marc Sangnier’s social Catholicism and, in 1904, he joined Le Sillon, where he found the emotional warmth he had lacked. His appears to have begun to become unstable after the movement’s condemnation by Rome in 1910. Obsessed with Alsace and Lorraine, he joined the at Ligue des Jeunes Amis de l'Alsace-Lorraine the end of 1913 or the beginning of 1914, an organisation that included nationalists who were hostile to the regime, but also steadfast Republicans.

      Villain knew that Jaurès was opposed to a three-year military service and that he had threatened a strike against the war. From then on, he saw him as "the big mouth" that had to be taken out. After seeing the antimilitarist demonstrations in Paris on 29 July 1914, his hatred for Jaurès grew. He bought a Smith and Wesson and, on 31 July at 9.40 pm, he committed the irreparable at the Café du Croissant, where Jaurès was dining with about a dozen friends. He was immediately arrested.

      Initially scheduled for 1915, his trial was not held until 1919. Viviani, the President of the Council of Ministers who feared for the "Sacred Union", had asked the general prosecutor of the Seine to sign a postponement order; all of his successors did the same. After nearly five years of "preventive detention", an unusually long period that horrified the Human Rights League and some of Jaurès’ friends such as the journalist Séverine, Raoul Villain’s trial was held from 24 to 29 March 1919. He was defended by attorneys Zévaès and Géraud, while Paul-Boncour and Ducos de la Haille represented the plaintiff. On 29 March, the jury – deliberating alone – considered that Villain was not guilty; the President of the Cour d'Assises therefore acquitted him. Commentators denounced the attitude of the jury members, pointing out their age (all were over 50) and their bourgeois condition. Actually, alongside a rentier and a veterinarian, there was one employee and several artisans.

      Above and beyond his heredity, various factors can explain the verdict. The plaintiff’s attorneys ignored Villain and concentrated their closing arguments on Jaurès’ memory. They called more than 40 witnesses (only 27 showed up), which made the trial drag on, no doubt much to the discontent of the jury members who were kept away from their daily business. To demonstrate that Jaurès’ ideas about the motherland and the army were distorted, attorney Paul-Boncour committed the imprudence of reading long excerpts from L'Action Française and from pamphleteer Urbain Gohier, with the risk of giving a very bad image of Jaurès. Villain’s attorneys, on the other hand, were very skilful. Lastly, acquittals were not uncommon at the time (Henriette Caillaux was acquitted in 1914, as was Germaine Berton in 1923).

      It is commonly believed that Louise Jaurès had to pay court costs, but there are no official documents attesting to that. The court proceedings make no mention of this point and the newspapers give contradicting accounts.

      The verdict was followed by huge protest demonstrations. Raoul Villain went on to live an adventurer’s life and was murdered on Ibiza in 1936 by a Spanish Republican or Anarchist according to some, by a Frenchman fighting in Spain according to others.

      John Monash

      1865-1931
      Portrait of John Monash – 1918: Source: Wikimedia Commons – Public domain

       

      The son of Prussian immigrants, John Monash was born in Melbourne, Australia, on 27 June 1865.

      After studying at Scotch College and the University of Melbourne, he worked as a civil engineer, notably on the construction of a bridge over the Yarra River.

      At the same time, he joined the university company of the 4th battalion of the Victoria militia in 1884 then the metropolitan artillery brigade in 1887, a year when he became lieutenant. Ranking as captain in 1895, a major in 1897, by 1906 he was a lieutenant-colonel in the intelligence corps. At the eve of the First World War, promoted to the rank of colonel, he was appointed to command the 13th Infantry Brigade. In 1913 he published 100 Hints for Company Commanders, a basic military training document.

      At the outbreak of war, Monash was appointed to command the 4th Infantry Brigade of the Australian Imperial Force, a brigade of the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) stationed in Egypt. After the harsh fighting during the Gallipoli campaign where, between April and December 1915, the ANZAC troops suffered major losses, Major General Monash rejoined the western front in June 1916.

      Taking command of the 3rd Division, he led his men to victory during the attack on Messines Ridge, in Belgium, on 7 June 1917, then during the third Battle of Ypres in Passchendaele (July-November). As Lieutenant-General, the successor to Birdwood at the command of the corps of the Australian troops in May 1918, he led the victorious offensive in July to tale back Le Hamel then took part in the operations around the Somme, where the German had positions at various points, including Saint-Quentin and Péronne.

      After the armistice, as Director-General of Repatriation and Demobilisation, he organised the demobilisation and return of Australian troops. He himself returned to Australia in 1919 and, retired from the army, held various civil post including General Manager of the State Electricity Commission of Victoria.

      He died on 8 October 1931, in Melbourne.

      He was made Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath by King George V, on 12 August 1918.

      Guillaume Apollinaire

      1880-1918
      Apollinaire in the Italian hospital. 1916. Source: Historical library of the city of Paris

       

      Born on the 26th August 1880 in Rome, Wilhelm-Apollinaris de Kostrowitzky was 18 years old when he arrived in the French capital before travelling to Germany as an advisor. Under the name Guillaume Apollinaire (his French Christian name), he soon became involved in the avant-garde literary movement. After having contributed to the Revue Blanche, in 1903 he founded his own review entitled Le Festin d'Esope. The cafés along the boulevard Saint-Germain and Montparnasse, the "Lapin Agile" cabaret and the "Bateau-Lavoir" artistes' workshop became popular meeting places with the likes of Picasso, Alfred Jarry, Vlaminck and Max Jacob etc. As well as his erotic works and art critiques for L'Intransigeant and Le Mercure de France, Apollinaire showed an interest in symbolic poetry. Derain illustrated his first book of prose, L'Enchanteur Pourrissant. In 1912, he was involved in founding the Soirées de Paris review. His break-up with Marie Laurençin, his partner since 1909, was the inspiration for his famous Pont Mirabeau.

      "Under the Mirabeau bridge runs the Seine And our love affairs Must I be reminded that Joy always came after suffering."

      The audacity of cubism, an important contemporary art movement, captivated Apollinaire, who defended it in his articles and sought to translate it into poetry, giving the latter a disjointed form. In 1913, following the issue of books on this pictorial school of painting, the publication of Alcools, which did not contain a single punctuation mark, made him famous.

      In 1914, he shared in the cosmopolitan lifestyle of Montparnasse, spent time in Normandy and on the Côte d'Azur and was to meet Louise de Coligny-Chatillon, known as Lou, for whom he would write his famous letters. When the call-up came, he requested his naturalisation and on the 6th December he joined the 38th campaign artillery regiment in Nîmes. Transferred to the front in 1915, he fought in the Champagne region, where he was to become Sergeant.

      "This mud is terrible on the sodden paths The eyes of the foot soldiers are depressing colours We will no longer go to the wood the laurels are cut The lovers are going to die and tell lies to their sweethearts" (Poèmes à Lou)

      On the front, he corresponded with Madeleine Pages, who became his fiancée, and with his wartime "Godmother", the Languedoc poetess "Yves Blanc". Naturalised in March 1916, he transferred to the infantry as sub-lieutenant in the 96th I.R.

      "Tonight the sky is full of sabres of spurs The gunners take off heavy and swift in the darkness " (Poèmes à Lou)

      On the 17th March at La Ville-aux-Bois in the Aisne he was suffered a serious head wound from an exploding shell, which led to two trepanations. Discharged and abandoning the idea of marrying, Apollinaire continued to write many poems - including Le Poète Assassiné - at the same time turning his interest to the theatre: on the 18th May 1917, the première of Parade, a ballet by Diaghilev, took place, to which he had contributed and for which he invented the term "surrealism". On the 24th June the première of a truly surrealist play, Les Mamelles by Tirésias, took place. At the same time he held conferences and worked on a cinema screenplay. On the 1st January 1918, suffering from a lung infection, he was taken to hospital. Once he recovered, he married Jacqueline Kohl on the 2nd May, whilst continuing his contributions to Temps and Paris-Midi and began writing two theatre plays and a farcical opera "bouffe" called Casanova. Calligrammes had already been published.

      On the 9th November 1918, the poet, his body weakened as a result of his war injuries, died of Spanish influenza. His body was laid to rest in Paris, at Père Lachaise cemetery.

       

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