Newsletter

National Memorial to the Algerian War and the Battles in Morocco and Tunisia

Mémorial national de la guerre d'Algérie et des combats du Maroc et de la Tunisie. Crédits photos : ©MINDEF/SGA/DMPA – J. Robert

In memory of the soldiers who died for France during the Algerian War
and the battles in Morocco and Tunisia, and of all the members of the auxiliary
troops killed after the ceasefire in Algeria, many of whom were never identified.

- Télécharger la plaquette -

ALGERIA

Algeria holds a distinct place in the 20th century history of the French Empire through its long-standing ties, its close proximity to mainland France and the considerable numbers of Europeans who moved there from 1830 onwards to live and work alongside the local population. The country’s role was intensified during the First World War, when it contributed to the French military effort, and above all during the Second World War, when Algiers became, in spring and summer of 1944, the capital of France Libre. Large numbers of French and Muslims from Algeria played a part in liberating the country. The official assimilation policy in place nevertheless seemed to contradict the political inequality that existed between both groups of the population. Similarly, Algerian nationalism gained ground and demanded that political autonomy and equal rights be recognised for Muslims. The uprising of May 1945, which was harshly suppressed, came as a prelude to the war for independence which broke out on All Saints’ Day 1954, principally in the Aures. In a context of global decolonisation, at a time when the neighbouring protectorates of Tunisia and Morocco were to achieve independence, the image of a prosperous and pacified French Algeria seemed false. The gap widened between the millions of Europeans, mostly city-dwellers attached to a land they considered both their own country and an extension of France, and the eight million Algerian Muslims. The majority of Algerian Muslims lived in rural areas and were threatened by impoverishment, poor access to schooling and inadequate public administration. The integration and social and economic modernisation policy introduced for Algeria in 1955 was an affront to both the European population who wished to maintain the status quo and the Algerian nationalists assembled within the FLN (the National Liberation Front). Far from being quelled, the conflict intensified and grew, the FLN demanding each member of the Algerian population to choose a side. Meanwhile, France stepped up its military action by sending a contingent to Algeria in 1955. The French army patrolled the country, carried out administration, conducted psychological operations, provided social aid and hunted out members of the ALN (National Liberation Army). However, no solution was in sight.

 

The Reform Act of February 1958 recognised the Algerian personality while affirming that Algeria was an integral part of the French Republic.

 

The weakness of the Fourth Republic, which was unsuccessful in bringing an end to the Algerian uprising, the fear of the Europeans in Algeria of seeing their country lost to the FLN and the army’s desire to not surrender explain the crisis of May 1958 and General de Gaulle's return to power. At the same time as relaunching a military campaign, General de Gaulle offered a “peace of the braves” (paix des braves) and implemented an extensive economic development programme: the Constantine Plan. Its effects were limited. The war continued despite the setbacks suffered by the ALN. The cause for Algerian independence won new supporters daily internationally and in French public opinion. The change of de Gaulle’s Algerian policy, from a position of self-determination (September 1959) to one of an ‘Algerian’ Algeria (November 1960), radicalised the opposition. This was demonstrated most decisively in Algiers during the barricades (January 1960) and the putsch of April 1961. Comforted by the results of the referendum of January 1961 which garnered the support of three-quarters of the citizens of mainland France, General de Gaulle entered into peace talks with the GPRA (the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic), a series of long negotiations which concluded with the signing of the Evian Agreements on 18 March 1962. The proclamation of a ceasefire from 19 March did not bring an end to the violence, of which the harkis, killed in their thousands, were the principal victims. In amidst this chaotic situation, France recognised Algeria’s independence on 3 July 1962, which then led to the return of the Europeans to their home countries and the end of the French presence in Algeria which had lasted for over 130 years on the other side of the Mediterranean.

 

MOROCCO

In Morocco, a French protectorate since 1912, the 1940 defeat struck a harsh blow to French prestige, even though the recruitment of Moroccan units to the French service did not stop at that time. Nationalism gained support encouraged by the Istiqlal (Independence Party) and Sultan Mohammed V ben Youssef, who became the symbol of the call for independence. In 1952, anti-French demonstrations cropped up more and more. From that moment, a show of force became inevitable: distrustful of the progressive forces, the French government replaced the Sultan on 20 August 1953, a political action that did not stop nationalist terrorism taking place and even caused violent clashes amongst the European working classes.

After an imposed exile in Corsica followed by Madagascar (1953-1955), Mohamed V triumphantly returned to obtain the independence of Morocco from France, achieved on 2 March 1956.

 

TUNISIA

Made a French protectorate by the Treaty of Bardo (1881), Tunisia was, during the course of the Second World War, a stage for confrontations between the Axis army troops and the Allies (1942-1943), while the Tunisian regiments earned recognition in Italy and in France in 1943-1944. Tunisian nationalism, led by the Neo Destour Party under Habib Bourguiba, gave rise to acts of terrorism and a start of guerrilla warfare from 1952 onwards. For two years, the French army had to fight against an armed movement which committed several attacks in Tunis and other cities around the country.

After the agreements signed in June 1955 but which collapsed even before they were put into action, the protocol of 20 March 1956 abolished the Treaty of Bardo and recognised total independence for the Kingdom of Tunis.

The Republic of Tunisia was declared one year later and Bourguiba was appointed the republic’s first president.

 

EXCERPT FROM THE ARTIST’S NOTE OF INTENTION (Gérard COLLIN-THIÉBAUT)

Monuments to the dead are links to a past memory and, a century later, their forms have become part of our collective memory: testaments to history, they stand silent in every town, erected in homage to those who sacrificed their life to make sense of death and keep remembrance alive. They often reach up to the sky, whatever their shape, and are engraved with lists of names. When looking at a monument, our eyes are drawn from bottom to top, yet we read the names from top to bottom. For this project, I wanted to respond to this instinct for identification, keeping our eyes drawn from bottom to top, using columns, but also to offer a modern way of reading, by catching the attention of a patchwork public made up of pedestrians, regular passers-by, tourists and so on. Through this project I wanted it to be there for the people concerned, but also to grab any passer-by, caught up in their everyday thoughts, and to arouse an emotion, through a kind of freeze-frame, reminding them of the sacrifice these young people made in the name of patriotism; and to do this, you have to use the resources adapted to your time.?Together all of this will make it a memorial worthy of the third millennium.

 

This memorial will be composed of a virtual space marked out on the ground, that you can cross or follow along, without changing your direction, and, at the rear, before the plane trees, a line of three square columns (5.846 m high x 0.60 m on each side), each separated by a 2-metre gap, moulded from concrete the colour of Paris limestone.  On the face of each column, a literal electronic display running the complete length of the column, will continuously show the first and last names of the soldiers and auxiliary troops who died for France, year by year, in alphabetical order (...). 
 
The names leave the earth and rise up to the sky (...). The outer sides of the columns at each end, the left side of the left-hand column for the pedestrians coming from the east, and the right side of the right-hand column for those coming from the west, will be engraved (sort of intaglio style) with “MÉMORIAL NATIONAL DE LA GUERRE D’ALGÉRIE ET DES COMBATS DU MAROC ET DE LA TUNISIE” (National Memorial to the Algerian War and the Battles in Morocco and Tunisia), which will catch the rising sun in the morning, the falling sun in the evening, and at night the curling light from the spotlights set in the ground either side of each column. 
 
Discreet, these columns will be visible in the evening to surrounding neighbourhoods (…).
 

 

1,343,000 called or recalled, 405,000 career or active duty soldiers, 
 
Nearly 200,000 auxiliary soldiers served in different theatres of operations in North Africa:
 
Algeria: 1 November 1954 to 2 July 1962;
 
Morocco: 1 June 1953 to 2 March 1956;
 
Tunisia: 1 January 1952 to 20 March 1956.
> Return to results

Practical information

Address

Quai Branly 75007
Paris

Germaine Tillion

1907-2008
Photo : Germaine Tillion, carte d'étudiante, 1934. Association Germaine Tillion

 

A leading figure in the French Resistance, an ethnologist and writer, Germaine Tillion drew lessons from her experience of World War II that served her throughout her entire life. At all times she managed to combine testimony, reflection and action.

 

Germaine Tillion was born on 30 May 1907 in Allègre in Haute-Loire. In 1919, the family moved to the Paris region. During the twenties, she began to study ethnology and obtained a scholarship to study the Berber population in the Algerian Aures region in 1933. Between 1934 and 1940, she stayed with the Chaouias for four long periods and continued to write her thesis.

Back in France, on 9 June 1940, after the Armistice, she decided that "something had to be done". In the company of Paul Hauet, a retired colonel, she began her resistance activities under the cover of an association to help prisoners of war, the National Union of Colonial Combatants. This cell came into contact with similar groups, such as the one at the Musée de l'Homme, bringing together other ethnologists with Boris Vildé at the head. It was in 1946, when Germaine Tillion took care of getting administrative approval for the network, that she gave it the name "Network of the Musée de l'Homme", in tribute to the majority of its founders. The Group had numerous activities: collecting information to be passed on to London, taking care of escaped soldiers or organising prison breaks, sheltering English paratroopers, making false ID papers, spreading calls to combat, eradicating traitors and Gestapo agents.

Even though she was a dedicated patriot, Germaine Tillion never forgot one guiding principle to which she adhered at all times: dedication to truth and justice. In a note to the underground press, she observed that a lot of information concerning the situation at the time was circulating in French society but was contradictory because it came from different sources. She directed her fellow resistants to not skew the truth, to not hide anything, to strive to understand and to judge impartially. "In terms of ideas, at the outset we only know one cause that is dear to us, that of our homeland, it is for love of it that we have come together, to try to preserve its faith and hope." But in no way, in absolutely no way do we want to sacrifice the truth to it, because our homeland is dear to us only on one condition, that we do not sacrifice the truth to it".

An initial denunciation led to the arrest of several members of the Musée de l'Homme cell; in April 1941, a second betrayal led to the arrest of its remaining members. They were tried a year later, in February 1942. Ten people, including several close friends, were sentenced to death. Germaine Tillion, who escaped these arrests, struggled to get them reprieved but in vain: the seven men in the group were shot and the three women deported. She herself was arrested in the street in August 1942 by the German police after being betrayed by a French priest posing as a resistant. Detained for more than a year in the French La Santé and Fresnes prisons, she was deported to the Ravensbrueck camp in October 1943. She was freed in April 1945.

After returning to France, she devoted most of her time to the history of the Resistance and Deportation and published several works on these themes. However, she did not neglect her civic commitments and took part in the campaign against the camps that is still in operation in the communist countries in Europe and Asia.

In 1954, she was sent by the French government as an observer to Algeria, where the insurgency was getting under way. At first, she proposed strengthening the education given to the indigenous population (boys and girls, children and adults) to enable them to emerge from the poverty that economic development had failed to stem. As the conflict intensified, in 1957, Germaine Tillion devoted all her efforts to mitigating the effects of the violence: she campaigned against torture, executions and met with FLN leaders to convince them to stop indiscriminate attacks.

Elected studies director at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in 1958, she spent the following decades studying North African societies. She also published a new reviewed edition of Ravensbrück, her book about Deportation. She died on 19 April 2008 aged 100. Her autobiographical work, Fragments of Life, was published the following year.

 

Tzvetan Todorov - President of the Germaine Tillion association. In Les Chemins de la Mémoire, 241/december 2013

Charles de Gaulle

1890-1970
Portrait de Charles de Gaulle. Source : Photo SHD

A French general and politician (1890-1970), Charles de Gaulle was the first person to advocate the need for France to have armoured military vehicles. A leader of the French resistance during World War II, he was the founding father of the Fifth Republic, which was particularly noteworthy due to the election of the president under universal suffrage.

Charles de Gaulle was born in Lille on 22 November 1890 to a patriotic Catholic family. He spent his childhood in Paris, studying with the Jesuits and very early opted for a career in the forces. In 1908 he entered the special Military Academy at Saint-Cyr. After four years of study, he was transferred to Arras in 1912 as a sub-lieutenant.

During the First World War he was wounded in combat three times and left for dead in the Battle of Douaumont (1916). Taken prisoner by the Germans, he attempted to escape on five occasions, but was recaptured each time. He was not freed until the Armistice, on 11th November 1918. Pursuing his military career, Captain De Gaulle saw active service in several countries (including Poland and The Lebanon). Between the wars he wrote several works in which he was critical of French defence policy: in particular he believed that the army must be subject to the decisions of politicians and that it was essential for the defence of France, to raise a corps of armoured vehicles in order to face the threat of German mechanised power. At the same time he began his involvement with politics: in 1931 he was seconded to the General Secretariat for National Defence in Paris. Promoted to Colonel in 1937, de Gaulle was given the command of the 507th tank regiment in Metz. When France and Britain declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939, he was given temporary command of the tanks of the 5th army. At the time of the German invasion, de Gaulle distinguished himself several times at the head of his unit, in particular halting the Germans at Abbeville (27-30 May 1940). Appointed General on 1 June 1940, de Gaulle became Under Secretary of State for War and National Defence a few days later, in the Government of Paul Reynaud.

On 17 June, de Gaulle left to continue fighting the war from London; he launched an appeal for resistance over the BBC, on 18 June. As a rebel General, he was sentenced to death in absentia. Recognised by Churchill as the "leader of the Free French", de Gaulle organised armed forces that became the Free French Forces. Meanwhile, he provided Free France with a kind of Government in exile, the French National Committee, which became the French Committee for National Liberation (CFLN) on 3 June 1943, following its arrival in Algiers. From 1942 onwards, De Gaulle gave Jean Moulin the task of organising the National Committee for Resistance (CNR) in France within which political parties of all persuasions, trades unions and resistance movements had to be represented, in order to co-ordinate the struggle. After the Normandy landings on 6 June 1944, de Gaulle insisted with General Eisenhower, supreme commander of allied armies, that Paris should be quickly liberated, although the strategy was to head directly eastwards, bypassing the Capital. Eventually, the 2nd Armoured Division of General Leclerc liberated Paris on 25 August.

 

Once the fighting was over, de Gaulle began to rebuild the country at the head of the interim government. He introduced several major measures (including the founding of the Social Security system). But, on 20 January 1946, he left power due to a disagreement of the role played by political parties. The Constitution of the 4th Republic, adopted shortly afterwards, greatly displeased him. He criticised it several times (such as in his speech in Bayeux, in June 1946), reproaching it for the weakness of its executive power. De Gaulle then entered the opposition. In 1947, he launched the Rassemblement du peuple français (RPF or Alliance of the French People), a movement that performed badly in elections, despite attracting many members. This was the beginning of the "wilderness years" : de Gaulle withdrew to Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, wrote his memoirs and travelled.

From 1954, France was involved in a war of decolonisation in Algeria. On 13 May 1958, the French Algerians launched an insurrection in Algiers to consolidate their position. They called for de Gaulle to take power. The President of the French Republic, René Coty, fearing that this crisis might descend into civil war, offered de Gaulle the position of Leader of the Cabinet. De Gaulle refused to return to power unless he could change government institutions. During the summer of 1958, he inspired the writing of a new Constitution: this was approved in a referendum on 28 September 1958 by almost 80% of French people. The 5th Republic was born. On 21 December 1958, Charles de Gaulle was elected President of the Republic by indirect universal suffrage.

The most urgent task to be faced was Algeria. De Gaulle offered the Algerians self-government in 1959 and organised a referendum on the subject in 1961: 75% of French people said "yes" to Algerian self-government. In April 1961, disaffected partisans of French Algeria staged an attempted coup that failed. Negotiations between the French and Algerians ended with the Evian agreements, signed on 22 March 1962 and accepted by referendum in both France and Algeria. 1962 was a real turning point, firstly on an institutional level: the General proposed electing the Head of State through universal suffrage. This reform aroused strong opposition, but the referendum on constitutional reform was successful, with a "yes" vote of 62.2%. In 1965, the presidential election was conducted by direct universal suffrage for the first time. Through to the second round (with 43.7% of the vote), de Gaulle was finally elected, beating Mitterrand, with 54.8%. In terms of foreign affairs, de Gaulle pursued a policy of national independence, providing France with its own means of defence: the first French atomic bomb was detonated at Reggane in the Sahara in February 1960. De Gaulle refused the protection of the United States and in 1966 withdrew France from the integrated NATO system - but France remained a member of the Atlantic alliance. At the same time, France entered the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1959. The country faced a major crisis in May 1968. Students organised huge demonstrations, and were joined by workers, triggering a general strike. De Gaulle succeeded in calming the situation by granting certain benefits to workers. On 27 April 1969, he put a plan for regionalisation and reform of the senate before the French people. His proposal was rejected in a referendum by 52.4% of the vote. Failing to gain the approval of the French people, he felt he lo longer had their trust and preferred to resign. Charles de Gaulle retired to Colombey-les-Deux-Églises and continued to write his memoirs; he died on 9 November 1970. In accordance with his will, de Gaulle was not given a state funeral. He was buried next to his daughter Anne, with a simple inscription on his grave, "Charles de Gaulle 1890-1970".